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Bahar, Halil Ibrahim --- "Profiteering from Urban Safety, Fear of Crime and Earthquakes in Istanbul" [2019] IntJlCrimJustSocDem 37; (2019) 8(4) International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 33
- Introduction
- Throughout its history, Istanbul was—and still is—the largest trade centre for the Balkans, the Black Sea territories
and the Middle East. During the nineteenth century, trade in Istanbul simultaneously grew in parallel with trade across the world;
the city embraced its rightful place on the world stage in terms of business, banks and insurance. Foreign businesspeople settled
in the city and organised chambers of commerce; foreign banks chose Istanbul as the location for their regional headquarters. From
the 1980s onwards, Istanbul’s regional role assumed a new importance as oil prices rose and business and construction sectors
experienced sudden growth. At the same time, Istanbul became a new centre of tourism for the Middle East. Arab banks opened branches
in the city to benefit from its connections with the West. Istanbul also became the place for businesses from the Turkic and Caucasian
republics to meet with their western equivalents in pursuance of economic activity (Keyder 2009: 23).
- The efforts outlined in this study are classed by the elite as efforts to make Istanbul a regional centre again, as it used to be
historically. This article argues that Istanbul’s growth, security and redevelopment is not being managed to meet the needs
of an ever-expanding population, but is a consequence of neoliberal policies influenced by globalisation and shaped by economic and
political powers. It would be wrong to consider the issue of security in Istanbul merely in terms of rising crime figures and fear
of crime. Along with investigating the reasons for the increase in security-related problems, the article suggests possible solutions
to these problems and how they may be put into practice.
- Just as Istanbul’s security problems can be seen from a range of viewpoints, it is also possible to find it within other problems
experienced in the city, where it may grow until its presence can be seen clearly (Erder 2006). It is crucial to consider the changes
that have occurred in Istanbul over the past 50 years. This period saw the beginning and gradual increase of neoliberal policies
that led to the creation of an ever-broadening economic abyss between the rich and poor of Istanbul, in turn producing new cracks
in the social fabric, a phenomenon that has been widely noted (Boratav 1995).
- The concept of security includes many elements, of which crime and victimisation are only a couple. There is a very close relationship
between urban security and urban design, urban change and housing policy. In terms of Istanbul’s social structure, nowadays
there seems to be much more separation between the social strata than was the case not too long ago. This separation may be termed
‘spatial segregation’, which is evident in gated communities, shopping malls and leisure centres that have emerged as
a result of urban change and housing policies. Urban equality has been dwindled along with an attendant rise in social exclusion
and alienation among the residents of Istanbul. There is a clear need for urban planning to concentrate on projects that remove,
or at the very minimum reduce, this divisive segregation. Rather than creating areas in which residents of the city seem to be effectively
imprisoned, greater attention should be paid to optimising existing social networks and reinforcing effective links between such
groupings.
- Urban policy in Istanbul currently appears confined to the creation of an urban identity based solely on the construction of business
premises and shopping malls. Such an urbanisation policy will lead to Istanbul becoming a city inhabited by only the highest and
lowest of social classes, instead of being a city populated by a spectrum of social classes in which all of the city’s inhabitants
see themselves as truly belonging to Istanbul.
- The Chicago School’s ecological approach to urban systems differentiated physical locations by their functions and defined the
whole as the sum of interactions between individual elements (McKenzie 1924; Wirth 1938; Park, Ernest and McKenzie 1984). Members
of the believed that the overall organisation of locations is based upon interactions between ecological units such as housing, factories
and offices, each of which has different functions, but when considered together, become a functional whole.
- When considering security in cities and quality of life in this context, matters that influence the lives of residents, at both the
individual and community level, must also be taken into account. Matters such as residents’ housing, where they work, which
schools they attend, choice of transport (individual and/or mass modes), use of city parks, roads, traffic and infrastructure all
become important factors for consideration. These factors become particularly important in critical incidents affecting the city.
Istanbul lies on an earthquake fault zone. The earthquake that hit Istanbul on 17 August 1999 and led to the deaths of around 18,000
people caused anxiety and put firmly on the agenda the city’s infrastructure and its ability to withstand an earthquake or
other disasters. Since the disaster, fear of earthquakes has played a large role in shaping Istanbul’s housing market (Çavdar
2013).
- Lefebvre (1976) discusses the relationship between city planning and political power. He points out that the government and other
powerful elites bring themselves into existence through space. To attain and maintain their sovereign powers, the government or leading
elites continually intervene spatially. Soja and Hadjimichalis (1985) refer to human spatiality as a construct that must be seen
as a social product created and structured like other social forms, out of the fundamental relations of production. Individuals and
the objects of production are combined “in a specific structure of the distribution of relations, places and functions (Althusser
and Balibar 1970; in Soja and Hadjimichalis 1985: 60). This article will examine the issue of security in Istanbul that has arisen
as a result of neoliberal policies and globalisation. It does not suggest that the issues of space, crime and anxiety related to
safety and policing, and their proposed solutions peculiar to Istanbul, can be ignored. However, this article seeks to highlight
problems other than traditional issues of public order in Istanbul. It instead focuses on the speculative development of the city’s
central areas, which has occurred in the name of ‘urban change’ but have capitalised on residents’ fear of crime
and earthquakes and was facilitated by corrupt land practices and lack of attention to white-collar crime. These factors have led
to the eviction of people from their homes to another part of the city and the creation of a new class of wealth. It is clear that
both local and central government politics have influenced urban policy and decision making.
- The article draws on both quantitative and qualitative data; the former was gathered from a survey of householders in Istanbul. The
survey aimed to establish the extent to which crime was seen to be a problem, the issues in their environment respondents felt were
most unsettling and the extent to which they felt safe on public transport, in parks and other public spaces. The householder survey
found that fear of earthquakes and the issue of structural security have influenced individual feelings of safety.
-
- Neoliberalisation of urban space in Istanbul
- Neoliberalisation comprises a range of policies aimed at extending market discipline, competition and commodification throughout society
to secure the ‘vital cycle of economic growth’ (Tok et al. 2015: 450). Such policies may include deregulation of state
control over industries and markets, curbing of organised labour, privatisation of public services and assets, relinquish responsibility
for welfare support, among others. The implementation of neoliberalisation relies on national restructuring projects (Peck, Theodore
and Brenner 2009) and introduces new spheres of collaboration for actors in the private and public domains. Indeed, neoliberalisation
can be seen as a state strategy designed to create new conditions for capital accumulation.
- In the 1980s, Turkey substituted its previous national development strategy for economic liberalisation to guide the country into
the fold of global capitalism. The flagship of this process was Istanbul, whose city centre—under the banner ‘marketing
Istanbul’—was transformed into a hub of services and consumption to attract tourists and business (Keyder 1996, 1999,
2009; Yonucu 2008: 56).
- Over the past three decades, Istanbul has undergone a neoliberal transformation with ever taller offices, and banks and residential
towers that look down on a proliferation of shopping malls, restaurants, cafes, nightclubs, galleries and performance spaces. Since
establishing the Istanbul Biennial in 1987 and opening the Istanbul Museum of Modern Art in 2004, the city’s arts calendar
has been filling annually (Candan and Kolluoğlu 2008).
- Further, alongside the changes outlined above, that icon of globalisation—the gated community—has proliferated in Istanbul
following its first appearance in the mid-1980s. Such communities are mainly but not exclusively located on the margins of the city
(Candan and Kolluoğlu 2008).
-
- The politics of urban regeneration in Istanbul
- Efforts to create wealth from Istanbul’s urban space are exemplified by the political administration using its legal powers
to facilitate the acquisition of public land and accelerating the identification of space for large new build projects under ‘urban
regeneration initiatives’ (Kahraman 2013: 18). It is not accidental that Istanbul looks like the world’s largest building
site. As commentators have noted, ‘Istanbul is a city without ownership. When any opportunity to clumsily interfere with its
structure can be taken along the lines of “if we just break through here” without any consideration of the city’s
origins and beauty, completely ignoring its striking history and aesthetics, then no-one [sic]owns Istanbul’ (Çavdar
and Tan 2013: 7).
- As a policy strategy to increase land values in the centre of the city, the lowest income groups have been compelled to evacuate from
the centre of the city to its furthest margins. From the year 2000 onwards, Turkey appeared to be in the grip of a neoliberalism
that has led to the creation of a whole new legal framework to facilitate speculative development in urban spaces and has redefined
urban lives and relationships. The government has used urban space as a vehicle for generating wealth, whether to increase its power
or simply to profit from sales of public land is a matter of debate. However, it is clear that these changes have swept away the
old order with its traditional social and political relationships and hierarchies (Kahraman 2013).
- There is a recognised relationship between cities and capitalism. Urban capitalism is predicated on residents’ relationships
with locations. Wealthy locations of the city tend to be monopolised by the elite while the government, instead of bringing order
to such matters, seem complicit in this approach to land use (Kahraman 2013). According to Harvey (1993), the dynamics of urbanisation
cannot be understood as being independent of wealth accumulation. In situations where production and consumption of goods have taken
place and led to a first cycle of accumulated wealth that cannot be reinvested, a way will be found to use the surplus profits for
a second cycle, whether this comes from the government or the markets. A significant portion of accumulated wealth in the second
cycle will be directed to the urban built environment. Hence, investment in buildings not only solve the problem of accumulating
large profit but will also generate more wealth. By this stage, the built environment itself has become a vehicle for capital production.
Consequently, productive urban spaces can be seen as a type of functional shelter against periodic structural crises inherent in
capitalism (Harvey 1993).
- Istanbul is not only important as the centre of the country’s economy; it is also seen as the place where new practices are
introduced: a functional model for the rest of the nation. The main objective of policies to facilitate urban change projects was
to establish a global city. Those working to achieve this in Istanbul had to create a city that would attract wealth in terms of
investor finance in large new building projects. As new laws were introduced, the threat of redevelopment grew, particularly in urban
areas occupied by low-income groups who could not meet the ever-spiralling costs (Kahraman 2013).
- In terms of both their aims and content, urban change policies and practices in Turkey differ from those of many highly developed
countries. This difference is based on the fact that there is always a political aim behind any urban project in Turkey. It is common
knowledge that when political actors claim urban change is needed to renew run-down areas within cities, the reality is that they
wish to initiate a phase of development that will lead to financial speculation in real estate in the area (Balaban 2013).
- In England and the US, urban change projects appear to focus on areas of cities that are derelict and have been effectively abandoned,
and work is carried out to physically regenerate such areas. During the 1980s, these countries have led the way for many other countries
in implementing ‘flagship’ or ‘prestige’ projects in the name of urban change. The vast majority of such
projects were designed to encourage growth in the local economy through the provision of new office space and industrial buildings
(Healey 1995). The main purpose of such urban change projects during the 1980s was to attract more investors to cities, in line with
the ‘entrepreneurial city’ model and thus, giving cities a whole new image (Hubbard 1995). Principles of sustainability
then appeared and led to environmental change projects that aimed to simultaneously encourage economic growth, ensure social justice
and preserve the environment (Couch and Dennemann 2000).
- The city centre of Istanbul appears to have lost its traditional residents, typically from the upper- and middle-class income groups.
What was once housing owned by these groups has been turned into office accommodation for large corporations and other urban organisations.
Dilapidated buildings were often demolished and replaced by new constructions. Even owners who remained in their properties found
themselves forced out as their neighbourhood became more run-down and designated for regeneration. It has become the norm for urban
planners to designate whole swathes of the city as suffering from ‘inner city decay’ (Erder 2006: 38–39). Those
who are marginalised or poor are increasingly stigmatised to the point where poverty itself is seen as a sign of criminality. Locations
where the urban poor reside are labelled as ‘urban hellholes’, ‘no-go areas’ and ‘lawless zones’
while their residents are represented as inherently dangerous or as ‘enemies within’ (Yonucu 2008: 53). In Istanbul,
some working-class neighbourhoods have become ‘dangerous’ areas, with young people in these areas suffering particularly
negative effects.
-
- The question described in Table 3 was designed to explore respondents’ thoughts on security problems across the entire city
of Istanbul, as opposed to issues confined to their residential neighbourhoods. The responses revealed that the security problems
most commonly identified by respondents as being the most serious in Istanbul, were terrorism (19.4%), public order incidents (17.8%)
and glue sniffers and/or street children (17.3%).
- Table 5: Public institutions and natural disasters
- In addition, respondents were asked to rate the level of security on public transport in Istanbul, on a scale of 1 to 10, with 10
being ‘very safe’. The mean rating on this question was 4.15 (median = 4.00, mode = 3 and standard deviation = 2.249;
n= 2,309). As all measures of average (mean, mode and median) were grouped closely together with no divergent value, a normal distribution
tending to the positive was found. In other words, our sample of Istanbul household respondents felt safe when travelling on public
transport in the city.
- We asked the respondents to also rate on the same scale, how safe they felt in Istanbul’s parks and gardens during the day.
The mean rating was 5.14 (median = 5.00, mode = 5.00 and standard deviation = 1.70). As above, the close grouping of all measures
of average indicates a normal distribution. However, this result was only obtained when divergent values were omitted from the calculation,
which suggests that while householders in Istanbul felt safe in public parks and gardens during the day, a higher level of safety
and therefore, greater public satisfaction, could be achieved if appropriate preventative measures were carried out.
- The results for respondents’ sense of safety in parks and gardens at night were not very different, as expected. The mean rating
of safety was 2.26 (median = 2.00, mode = 2 and standard deviation = 1.687). With divergent values excluded, this close grouping
of the measures of average was normally distributed. However, whether this shows a positive or negative tendency is not a matter
for debate: residents out and about in Istanbul’s parks and gardens do not feel safe at night.
- Fear of crime can affect patterns of urban behaviour. Both societal structure and its spatial organisation may exhibit such fear through
anxiety, suspicion and doubt related to crime and problems with security per se (Harries 1981). Fear of crime can also arise from,
as well as shape, social relationship structures (Kahana et al. 1977; Klecka and Bishop 1977; Smith 1976).
- In relation to city-wide safety, our sample of Istanbul household respondents rated safety (on a scale of 1 to 10) as follows: mean
= 4.46, median = 5.00, mode = 5 and standard deviation = 1.856. The proximity of the three values of average, together with the absence
of divergent values, indicates a normal distribution with a positive tendency.
- Security experts, local leaders and academics who took part in interviews for this research stated that the issue of security in Istanbul
should be considered in terms of both the social and physical environment. Given the structure of neighbourhoods, the viewpoints
of residents and Istanbul’s urbanisation process, it would seem beneficial to investigate life at an individual level in slum
areas where local mafia and street gangs engage in a range of illegal activities and where the official administration has failed
to establish a presence. It must be borne in mind that across the city as a whole, one or more areas of dereliction may be allowed
to exist as a means to contain the problem. However, such social decay can shape individuals’ views of security within a community.
The underlying reasons for perceived inadequacies in Istanbul’s security may be revealed when we examine the issue in terms
of neighbourhood structure.
- If we wish to preserve the fabric of neighbourhoods, consideration must be given to issues such as families migrating from other towns
and cities, which have led to sharp rises in population together with a weakening of social control at the neighbourhood level. The
result is city areas where residents never really get to know one another. Eventually, this may result in problem-ridden and unhealthy
neighbourhoods. Such problematic neighbourhoods may degenerate into slums with insufficient or non-existent local services and a
tendency for criminalisation and the commission of crime (Törüner 2006). The presence of individuals from different cultures
who cannot understand each other can increase feelings of exclusion and may accelerate marginalisation and disaffection.
-
-
-
- Discussion: Profiteering from fear of crime and earthquakes
- Respondents to the questionnaire felt safe in Istanbul’s parks and gardens by day, but not at night. In terms of safety across
the city in general, the average rating was 4.46 points out of 10. Results from the qualitative research showed that quality of life
in Istanbul has been affected by waves of migration, areas of physical dereliction, weakening of traditional social patterns and
the creation of rich and poor ghettoes. Factors such as poor environmental conditions, insufficient housing, traffic problems, inadequate
infrastructure across the city as a whole, lack of defences against earthquakes, floods and other natural disasters, have negative
effects on individuals and communities with consequential social tensions that must be addressed at the root using preventative measures.
- In addition, it is crucial that the link between awareness of security and social interaction is recognised. That is, an individual
may find him/herself living in a neighbourhood that s/he has problems integrating into, and the extent of such problems can lead
to feelings of loneliness and exclusion. Hence, that individual, unable to express feelings of frustration, may react to the situation
by committing crime. S/he will strive to replace social capital with criminal capital as a route to finding a role within the community.
- Other notable findings of the survey include the view that it is wrong to reduce security concerns to mere incidents of public disorder;
further, the relationship between security and the physical and social environment is critical. In relation to this latter finding,
the survey identified a link between matters of security, neoliberal policies and speculative development in Istanbul. It further
found that fear of both earthquakes and crime has been exaggerated, and using a rationale of urban regeneration, new laws and policies
on urban infrastructure have changed the urban fabric of Istanbul. Further, it is claimed that such opportunistic urban policies
were established as a solution to problems with maintaining security in the city. In terms of establishing a structure for a city
and templates for interaction therein, an ideal model would be to ensure that people from different sections of society have reciprocal
relationships and work together to minimise conflict. Urban space plays a large role in such an exercise. In the process of rebuilding
urban space, we have witnessed the consequences of removing opportunities for interaction between different groups. In Istanbul,
the removal of opportunities for interactions has accelerated the development of feelings of alienation and exclusion between different
sections of society.
- In large metropolitan areas such as Istanbul, ‘risk’ itself becomes a vehicle for investment in changes. Public perception
of earthquake risk enhanced and the public information about earthquake hazard had significant impact on house values (Onder et al.
2004: 181).
- The very word ‘risk’ carries implications of loss and those caught up in such an atmosphere become prisoners of their
own anxieties. In terms of Istanbul and its urban space, the ever-increasing, self-generating ranges of anxieties include fear of
crime, of crisis, of earthquakes, of eviction, of unemployment and so on. These anxieties may build to the point where the alternative,
which is to start afresh, holds attraction. This whole issue of risk does not just affect the middle classes; it is a generic problem
across the entirety of society (Yılmaz 2013).
- Our interviewees bore testament to the fact that uncertainty of life in Istanbul has led to an increase in anxiety. The city’s
middle classes seek to distance and separate themselves spatially and thus, legitimising the need for security. The politics of risk
in Istanbul have been used effectively to implement changes based on economic profiteering.
- In Istanbul, there is a clear relationship between the growing fear of crime and efforts to profit from urban spaces claimed to be
free of crime. Fear of victimisation, together with urban regeneration and intervention in areas of dereliction, have all been legitimised.
While the fear of becoming a victim of crime abounds, no-one can actually define the causes of this fear. Urban change projects have
eradicated Istanbul’s traditional mixed-class neighbourhoods. People prefer to move to expensive yet secure gated communities
rather than live in fear of crime. Justifications such as preserving cultural heritage, starting afresh, eliminating public order
problems, have all been employed to create new fields for profiteering (Erkilet 2013).
-
-
-
- Correspondence: Halil Ibrahim Bahar (PhD), Professor of Sociology, freelance researcher and analyst, Emirgan Mektebi Sok. No:75/1
Sariyer, Istanbul, Turkey. Email: hibahar@hotmail.com
-
- References
-
-
Profiteering from Urban Safety, Fear of Crime and Earthquakes in
Istanbul
Halil Ibrahim Bahar
Turkey
Abstract
There is a direct relationship between urban safety in Istanbul and
neoliberal urban planning policies that has led to the creation
of a new wealthy
class. Such a class has risen from profiteering from land deals and the
construction of housing and offices, both
of which were politically facilitated.
The classification of areas of the city as being at risk from crime and
earthquake, together
with the legalisation of urban change projects, have
resulted in whole sections of the community being declared at risk and moved
to
other areas with an attendant rise in social exclusion.
Keywords
Istanbul; urbanisation; urban security; urban regeneration.
|
Please cite this article as:
Bahar HI (2019) Profiteering from urban safety, fear of crime and
earthquakes in Istanbul.
International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 8(4):
33-46. https://10.5204/ijcjsd.v8i4.937
This
work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution
4.0 International Licence. As an open access journal, articles are free to
use with proper attribution. ISSN: 2202-8005
Introduction
Throughout
its history, Istanbul was—and still is—the largest trade centre for
the Balkans, the Black Sea territories
and the Middle East. During the
nineteenth century, trade in Istanbul simultaneously grew in parallel with trade
across the world;
the city embraced its rightful place on the world stage in
terms of business, banks and insurance. Foreign businesspeople settled
in the
city and organised chambers of commerce; foreign banks chose Istanbul as the
location for their regional headquarters. From
the 1980s onwards,
Istanbul’s regional role assumed a new importance as oil prices rose and
business and construction sectors
experienced sudden growth. At the same time,
Istanbul became a new centre of tourism for the Middle East. Arab banks opened
branches
in the city to benefit from its connections with the West. Istanbul
also became the place for businesses from the Turkic and Caucasian
republics to
meet with their western equivalents in pursuance of economic activity (Keyder
2009: 23).
The efforts outlined in this study are classed by the
elite as efforts to make Istanbul a regional centre again, as it used to be
historically. This article argues that Istanbul’s growth, security and
redevelopment is not being managed to meet the needs
of an ever-expanding
population, but is a consequence of neoliberal policies influenced by
globalisation and shaped by economic and
political powers. It would be wrong to
consider the issue of security in Istanbul merely in terms of rising crime
figures and fear
of crime. Along with investigating the reasons for the increase
in security-related problems, the article suggests possible solutions
to these
problems and how they may be put into practice.
Just as Istanbul’s security problems can be seen
from a range of viewpoints, it is also possible to find it within other problems
experienced in the city, where it may grow until its presence can be seen
clearly (Erder 2006). It is crucial to consider the changes
that have occurred
in Istanbul over the past 50 years. This period saw the beginning and gradual
increase of neoliberal policies
that led to the creation of an ever-broadening
economic abyss between the rich and poor of Istanbul, in turn producing new
cracks
in the social fabric, a phenomenon that has been widely noted (Boratav
1995).
The concept of security includes many elements, of which
crime and victimisation are only a couple. There is a very close relationship
between urban security and urban design, urban change and housing policy. In
terms of Istanbul’s social structure, nowadays
there seems to be much more
separation between the social strata than was the case not too long ago. This
separation may be termed
‘spatial segregation’, which is evident in
gated communities, shopping malls and leisure centres that have emerged as
a
result of urban change and housing policies. Urban equality has been dwindled
along with an attendant rise in social exclusion
and alienation among the
residents of Istanbul. There is a clear need for urban planning to concentrate
on projects that remove,
or at the very minimum reduce, this divisive
segregation. Rather than creating areas in which residents of the city seem to
be effectively
imprisoned, greater attention should be paid to optimising
existing social networks and reinforcing effective links between such
groupings.
Urban policy in Istanbul currently appears confined to
the creation of an urban identity based solely on the construction of business
premises and shopping malls. Such an urbanisation policy will lead to Istanbul
becoming a city inhabited by only the highest and
lowest of social classes,
instead of being a city populated by a spectrum of social classes in which all
of the city’s inhabitants
see themselves as truly belonging to Istanbul.
The Chicago School’s ecological approach to urban
systems differentiated physical locations by their functions and defined the
whole as the sum of interactions between individual elements (McKenzie 1924;
Wirth 1938; Park, Ernest and McKenzie 1984). Members
of the believed that the
overall organisation of locations is based upon interactions between ecological
units such as housing, factories
and offices, each of which has different
functions, but when considered together, become a functional whole.
When considering security in cities and quality of life
in this context, matters that influence the lives of residents, at both the
individual and community level, must also be taken into account. Matters such as
residents’ housing, where they work, which
schools they attend, choice of
transport (individual and/or mass modes), use of city parks, roads, traffic and
infrastructure all
become important factors for consideration. These factors
become particularly important in critical incidents affecting the city.
Istanbul
lies on an earthquake fault zone. The earthquake that hit Istanbul on 17 August
1999 and led to the deaths of around 18,000
people caused anxiety and put firmly
on the agenda the city’s infrastructure and its ability to withstand an
earthquake or
other disasters. Since the disaster, fear of earthquakes has
played a large role in shaping Istanbul’s housing market (Çavdar
2013).
Lefebvre (1976) discusses the relationship between city
planning and political power. He points out that the government and other
powerful elites bring themselves into existence through space. To attain and
maintain their sovereign powers, the government or leading
elites continually
intervene spatially. Soja and Hadjimichalis (1985) refer to human spatiality as
a construct that must be seen
as a social product created and structured like
other social forms, out of the fundamental relations of production. Individuals
and
the objects of production are combined “in a specific structure of the
distribution of relations, places and functions (Althusser
and Balibar 1970; in
Soja and Hadjimichalis 1985: 60). This article will examine the issue of
security in Istanbul that has arisen
as a result of neoliberal policies and
globalisation. It does not suggest that the issues of space, crime and anxiety
related to
safety and policing, and their proposed solutions peculiar to
Istanbul, can be ignored. However, this article seeks to highlight
problems
other than traditional issues of public order in Istanbul. It instead focuses on
the speculative development of the city’s
central areas, which has
occurred in the name of ‘urban change’ but have capitalised on
residents’ fear of crime
and earthquakes and was facilitated by corrupt
land practices and lack of attention to white-collar crime. These factors have
led
to the eviction of people from their homes to another part of the city and
the creation of a new class of wealth. It is clear that
both local and central
government politics have influenced urban policy and decision making.
The article draws on both quantitative and qualitative
data; the former was gathered from a survey of householders in Istanbul. The
survey aimed to establish the extent to which crime was seen to be a problem,
the issues in their environment respondents felt were
most unsettling and the
extent to which they felt safe on public transport, in parks and other public
spaces. The householder survey
found that fear of earthquakes and the issue of
structural security have influenced individual feelings of
safety.
Neoliberalisation
of urban space in Istanbul
Neoliberalisation comprises a range of policies aimed at
extending market discipline, competition and commodification throughout society
to secure the ‘vital cycle of economic growth’ (Tok et al. 2015:
450). Such policies may include deregulation of state
control over industries
and markets, curbing of organised labour, privatisation of public services and
assets, relinquish responsibility
for welfare support, among others. The
implementation of neoliberalisation relies on national restructuring projects
(Peck, Theodore
and Brenner 2009) and introduces new spheres of collaboration
for actors in the private and public domains. Indeed, neoliberalisation
can be
seen as a state strategy designed to create new conditions for capital
accumulation.
In the 1980s, Turkey substituted its previous national
development strategy for economic liberalisation to guide the country into
the
fold of global capitalism. The flagship of this process was Istanbul, whose city
centre—under the banner ‘marketing
Istanbul’—was
transformed into a hub of services and consumption to attract tourists and
business (Keyder 1996, 1999,
2009; Yonucu 2008: 56).
Over the past three decades, Istanbul has undergone a
neoliberal transformation with ever taller offices, and banks and residential
towers that look down on a proliferation of shopping malls, restaurants, cafes,
nightclubs, galleries and performance spaces. Since
establishing the Istanbul
Biennial in 1987 and opening the Istanbul Museum of Modern Art in 2004, the
city’s arts calendar
has been filling annually (Candan and Kolluoğlu
2008).
Further, alongside the changes outlined above, that icon
of globalisation—the gated community—has proliferated in Istanbul
following its first appearance in the mid-1980s. Such communities are mainly but
not exclusively located on the margins of the city
(Candan and Kolluoğlu
2008).
The politics of
urban regeneration in Istanbul
Efforts to create
wealth from Istanbul’s urban space are exemplified by the political
administration using its legal powers
to facilitate the acquisition of public
land and accelerating the identification of space for large new build projects
under ‘urban
regeneration initiatives’ (Kahraman 2013: 18). It is
not accidental that Istanbul looks like the world’s largest building
site.
As commentators have noted, ‘Istanbul is a city without ownership. When
any opportunity to clumsily interfere with its
structure can be taken along the
lines of “if we just break through here” without any consideration
of the city’s
origins and beauty, completely ignoring its striking history
and aesthetics, then no-one [sic]owns Istanbul’ (Çavdar and
Tan 2013: 7).
As a policy strategy to increase land values in the
centre of the city, the lowest income groups have been compelled to evacuate
from
the centre of the city to its furthest margins. From the year 2000 onwards,
Turkey appeared to be in the grip of a neoliberalism
that has led to the
creation of a whole new legal framework to facilitate speculative development in
urban spaces and has redefined
urban lives and relationships. The government has
used urban space as a vehicle for generating wealth, whether to increase its
power
or simply to profit from sales of public land is a matter of debate.
However, it is clear that these changes have swept away the
old order with its
traditional social and political relationships and hierarchies (Kahraman
2013).
There is a recognised relationship between cities and
capitalism. Urban capitalism is predicated on residents’ relationships
with locations. Wealthy locations of the city tend to be monopolised by the
elite while the government, instead of bringing order
to such matters, seem
complicit in this approach to land use (Kahraman 2013). According to Harvey
(1993), the dynamics of urbanisation
cannot be understood as being independent
of wealth accumulation. In situations where production and consumption of goods
have taken
place and led to a first cycle of accumulated wealth that cannot be
reinvested, a way will be found to use the surplus profits for
a second cycle,
whether this comes from the government or the markets. A significant portion of
accumulated wealth in the second
cycle will be directed to the urban built
environment. Hence, investment in buildings not only solve the problem of
accumulating
large profit but will also generate more wealth. By this stage, the
built environment itself has become a vehicle for capital production.
Consequently, productive urban spaces can be seen as a type of functional
shelter against periodic structural crises inherent in
capitalism (Harvey
1993).
Istanbul is not only important as the centre of the
country’s economy; it is also seen as the place where new practices are
introduced: a functional model for the rest of the nation. The main objective of
policies to facilitate urban change projects was
to establish a global city.
Those working to achieve this in Istanbul had to create a city that would
attract wealth in terms of
investor finance in large new building projects. As
new laws were introduced, the threat of redevelopment grew, particularly in
urban
areas occupied by low-income groups who could not meet the ever-spiralling
costs (Kahraman 2013).
In terms of both their aims and content, urban change
policies and practices in Turkey differ from those of many highly developed
countries. This difference is based on the fact that there is always a political
aim behind any urban project in Turkey. It is common
knowledge that when
political actors claim urban change is needed to renew run-down areas within
cities, the reality is that they
wish to initiate a phase of development that
will lead to financial speculation in real estate in the area (Balaban
2013).
In England and the US, urban change projects appear to
focus on areas of cities that are derelict and have been effectively abandoned,
and work is carried out to physically regenerate such areas. During the 1980s,
these countries have led the way for many other countries
in implementing
‘flagship’ or ‘prestige’ projects in the name of urban
change. The vast majority of such
projects were designed to encourage growth in
the local economy through the provision of new office space and industrial
buildings
(Healey 1995). The main purpose of such urban change projects during
the 1980s was to attract more investors to cities, in line with
the
‘entrepreneurial city’ model and thus, giving cities a whole new
image (Hubbard 1995). Principles of sustainability
then appeared and led to
environmental change projects that aimed to simultaneously encourage economic
growth, ensure social justice
and preserve the environment (Couch and Dennemann
2000).
The city centre of Istanbul appears to have lost its
traditional residents, typically from the upper- and middle-class income groups.
What was once housing owned by these groups has been turned into office
accommodation for large corporations and other urban organisations.
Dilapidated
buildings were often demolished and replaced by new constructions. Even owners
who remained in their properties found
themselves forced out as their
neighbourhood became more run-down and designated for regeneration. It has
become the norm for urban
planners to designate whole swathes of the city as
suffering from ‘inner city decay’ (Erder 2006: 38–39). Those
who are marginalised or poor are increasingly stigmatised to the point where
poverty itself is seen as a sign of criminality. Locations
where the urban poor
reside are labelled as ‘urban hellholes’, ‘no-go areas’
and ‘lawless zones’
while their residents are represented as
inherently dangerous or as ‘enemies within’ (Yonucu 2008: 53). In
Istanbul,
some working-class neighbourhoods have become ‘dangerous’
areas, with young people in these areas suffering particularly
negative
effects.
Methodology
The data presented in this article were collected by the International
Strategic Research Organization as part of the four-year (2008–2012)
Istanbul Urban Safety Project. Quantitative and qualitative methods were used in
the study. Quantitative methods included a survey
and analysis of secondary
data. With regard to the qualitative dimension of the research, semi-structured,
open-ended interviews
took place with a number of senior officials involved in
urban safety in Istanbul. Almost 100 such interviews were carried out with
Istanbul members of parliament, neighbourhood leaders, representatives of the
Governor’s Office, senior government personnel
in Istanbul, city-wide and
district education authorities, officials from the police and judiciary,
academics from Istanbul-based
universities, leaders of primary and secondary
schools, private citizens and representatives of the chambers of commerce and
manufacture.
This stage of the research was conducted to establish relationships
between a wide range of stakeholders in urban safety in Istanbul,
and to
facilitate dialogue and coordination between public and private
organisations.
Sampling
In terms of the survey, the sample of people approached for the survey was
identified from baseline data collected by the Turkish
Statistical Institute;
the application of multi-level, stratified group techniques was planned.
However, such techniques would have
necessitated extremely large samples, the
administration and management of which would have been beyond the scope of the
project.
Hence, the decision was taken to utilise probability sampling. Random
sampling was deemed inappropriate for a city the size and diversity
of Istanbul,
where each district and neighbourhood can contain a wide range of social and
physical conditions. In this event, baseline
data enabled the identification of
a representative sample of 3140 households.
Much time was devoted to questionnaire design prior to piloting the
questionnaire. The questionnaire was piloted in three European
districts of
Istanbul (Bakırköy, Sarıyer and Beşiktaş) and three
Asian districts of the city (Üsküdar,
Ümraniye and
Kadıköy). The piloting involved 200 questionnaires across these
districts. Following the pilot exercise,
questionnaires were distributed to
3,140 households, of which 2,309 (73.5%) were returned with all questions
answered, save for some
gaps in optional personal details.
The 2,309 household respondents consisted of 1,315 females and 994 males aged
between 18 and 65 (X = 38.35; SS = 10.7). Of
these participants, some (n = 1,659; 72.8%) identified as being
married and others (n = 484; 21.2%) as single. The levels
of education
in this sample ranged from primary school or lower (n = 450; 19.7%);
middle school completed (n = 580; 25.4%); high
school completed
(n = 891; 39.1%); and university graduates (n = 358; 15.7%).
Over half of the participants (n = 1,187; 52%) claimed
to be
unemployed.
Data collection instrument
The questionnaire collected demographic information alongside questions
directly relevant to the study. These questions were designed
by research staff
in the Istanbul Urban Safety Project following a broad search of the available
literature. Participants were requested
to provide their gender, age, level of
education, occupation and marital status. Specific questions related to crime
and security
were: ‘Do you think crime is a problem in Istanbul?’,
‘What are the three things that cause you most worry in the
area where you
live?’, ‘What do you think is the most serious security problem in
Istanbul?’, ‘When choosing
a property in which you will live what is
your most important priority?’ ‘Do you think public institutions are
prepared
for problems arising in the aftermath of natural disasters?’
In addition to these specific questions, individuals were asked to rate how
secure they felt while taking public transport; how safe
they felt when walking
in parks and gardens during the day and at night; and how safe Istanbul felt
like a city. The rating was on
a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is ‘very
unsafe’ and 10 is ‘very safe’. The data collected were
analysed with
an SPSS data analysis software.
Residents approached for the survey were provided with an overview of the
general aims of the study and the necessary instructions
for completing the
questionnaire. All residents approached were told that their participation was
entirely voluntary and that they
could choose not to answer any of the questions
if they did not wish to. Finally, it was made clear that data gathered for the
study
would be confidential and would only be utilised for scientific
purposes.
Results
As can be seen in Table 1, a total of 98% of the respondents believed crime
was a problem; 65.1% considered it ‘a very serious
problem’ and a
further 32.9% believed it as merely ‘a serious problem’.
Table 1: The seriousness of crime
Do you think crime is a problem in Istanbul?
|
A very serious problem
|
65.1%
|
A serious problem
|
32.9%
|
Not a serious problem
|
1.8%
|
Not a very serious problem
|
0.2%
|
n=2,309
In Table 2, respondents were asked to choose only the three things
that cause them most worry. As can be seen from the results, muggers (51.6%),
followed by glue sniffers and street
children (44.2%) and traffic and public
order incidents (27% each) were among the three things that cause them most
worry. Interestingly,
only 24.9% of the respondents indicated that terrorist
incidents were among the top three security issues they worried about the
most.
Table 2: Three issues that cause worry in the neighbourhood
What are the three things that cause you most worry in the area where
you live?
|
|
Yes
|
No
|
Glue sniffers/street children
|
44.2%
|
55.8%
|
Muggers
|
51.6%
|
48.4%
|
Traffic
|
27.0%
|
73.0%
|
Terrorist incidents
|
24.9%
|
75.1%
|
Public order incidents
|
27.0%
|
73.0%
|
Organised crime/armed skirmishes
|
14.2%
|
85.8%
|
Harassment
|
14.4%
|
85.6%
|
People’s insensitivity
|
11.2%
|
88.8%
|
Social events
|
8.3%
|
91.7%
|
n= 2,309
The question described in Table 3 was designed to
explore respondents’ thoughts on security problems across the entire city
of Istanbul, as opposed to issues confined to their residential neighbourhoods.
The responses revealed that the security problems
most commonly identified by
respondents as being the most serious in Istanbul, were terrorism (19.4%),
public order incidents (17.8%)
and glue sniffers and/or street children
(17.3%).
Table 3: The most serious security problem in Istanbul
What do you think is the most serious security problem in
Istanbul?
|
Public order incidents
|
17.8%
|
Glue sniffers/street children
|
17.3%
|
Organised crime/armed skirmishes
|
10.8%
|
Terrorist incidents
|
19.4%
|
Immigration
|
11.5%
|
Traffic
|
11.9%
|
Social events
|
10.0%
|
Other
|
1.3%
|
n= 2,309
Security and the ability to withstand earthquakes are the two most commonly
identified priorities identified by respondents as important
when choosing a
property for a home (Table 4).
Table 4: Priorities in choosing a property
When choosing a property in which you will live, what is your most
important priority?
|
Security
|
28.9%
|
Must have a clear title deed
|
3.0%
|
Must be able to withstand earthquakes
|
25.1%
|
The price of the property
|
12.5%
|
Neighbours and other people in the area
|
9.4%
|
District in which property is located
|
17.9%
|
Other
|
3.2%
|
n= 2,309
Based on the results of the qualitative component of this study, residents of
Istanbul do not feel safe in the city, which suggests
the issue is too big for
the police alone to handle.
The responses described in Table 5 clearly shows that respondents believed
that relevant public institutions were not prepared for
problems that might
arise in the aftermath of natural disasters: an overwhelming 82.7% of the
respondent sample believed this to
be the case.
Table 5: Public institutions and natural
disasters
Do you think public institutions are prepared for problems arising in
the aftermath of natural disasters?
|
They are definitely not prepared
|
27.8%
|
They are not prepared
|
54.9%
|
They are prepared
|
12.7%
|
They are definitely prepared
|
4.6%
|
n= 2,309
In addition, respondents were asked to rate the level
of security on public transport in Istanbul, on a scale of 1 to 10, with 10
being ‘very safe’. The mean rating on this question was 4.15
(median = 4.00, mode = 3 and standard
deviation = 2.249;
n= 2,309). As all measures of average (mean, mode
and median) were grouped closely together with no divergent value, a normal
distribution
tending to the positive was found. In other words, our sample of
Istanbul household respondents felt safe when travelling on public
transport in
the city.
We asked the respondents to also rate on the same
scale, how safe they felt in Istanbul’s parks and gardens during the day.
The mean rating was 5.14 (median = 5.00, mode = 5.00 and
standard deviation = 1.70). As above, the close grouping of all
measures
of average indicates a normal distribution. However, this result was
only obtained when divergent values were omitted from the calculation,
which
suggests that while householders in Istanbul felt safe in public parks and
gardens during the day, a higher level of safety
and therefore, greater public
satisfaction, could be achieved if appropriate preventative measures were
carried out.
The results for respondents’ sense of safety in
parks and gardens at night were not very different, as expected. The mean rating
of safety was 2.26 (median = 2.00, mode = 2 and standard
deviation = 1.687). With divergent values excluded, this close
grouping
of the measures of average was normally distributed. However, whether
this shows a positive or negative tendency is not a matter
for debate: residents
out and about in Istanbul’s parks and gardens do not feel safe at
night.
Fear of crime can affect patterns of urban behaviour.
Both societal structure and its spatial organisation may exhibit such fear
through
anxiety, suspicion and doubt related to crime and problems with security
per se (Harries 1981). Fear of crime can also arise from,
as well as shape,
social relationship structures (Kahana et al. 1977; Klecka and Bishop 1977;
Smith 1976).
In relation to city-wide safety, our sample of Istanbul
household respondents rated safety (on a scale of 1 to 10) as follows:
mean
= 4.46, median = 5.00, mode = 5 and standard
deviation = 1.856. The proximity of the three values of average,
together with the absence
of divergent values, indicates a normal distribution
with a positive tendency.
Security experts, local leaders and academics who took
part in interviews for this research stated that the issue of security in
Istanbul
should be considered in terms of both the social and physical
environment. Given the structure of neighbourhoods, the viewpoints
of residents
and Istanbul’s urbanisation process, it would seem beneficial to
investigate life at an individual level in slum
areas where local mafia and
street gangs engage in a range of illegal activities and where the official
administration has failed
to establish a presence. It must be borne in mind that
across the city as a whole, one or more areas of dereliction may be allowed
to
exist as a means to contain the problem. However, such social decay can shape
individuals’ views of security within a community.
The underlying reasons
for perceived inadequacies in Istanbul’s security may be revealed when we
examine the issue in terms
of neighbourhood structure.
If we wish to preserve the fabric of neighbourhoods,
consideration must be given to issues such as families migrating from other
towns
and cities, which have led to sharp rises in population together with a
weakening of social control at the neighbourhood level. The
result is city areas
where residents never really get to know one another. Eventually, this may
result in problem-ridden and unhealthy
neighbourhoods. Such problematic
neighbourhoods may degenerate into slums with insufficient or non-existent local
services and a
tendency for criminalisation and the commission of crime
(Törüner 2006). The presence of individuals from different cultures
who cannot understand each other can increase feelings of exclusion and may
accelerate marginalisation and disaffection.
Discussion:
Profiteering from fear of crime and earthquakes
Respondents to the questionnaire
felt safe in Istanbul’s parks and gardens by day, but not at night. In
terms of safety across
the city in general, the average rating was 4.46 points
out of 10. Results from the qualitative research showed that quality of life
in
Istanbul has been affected by waves of migration, areas of physical dereliction,
weakening of traditional social patterns and
the creation of rich and poor
ghettoes. Factors such as poor environmental conditions, insufficient housing,
traffic problems, inadequate
infrastructure across the city as a whole, lack of
defences against earthquakes, floods and other natural disasters, have negative
effects on individuals and communities with consequential social tensions that
must be addressed at the root using preventative measures.
In addition, it is crucial that the link between
awareness of security and social interaction is recognised. That is, an
individual
may find him/herself living in a neighbourhood that s/he has problems
integrating into, and the extent of such problems can lead
to feelings of
loneliness and exclusion. Hence, that individual, unable to express feelings of
frustration, may react to the situation
by committing crime. S/he will strive to
replace social capital with criminal capital as a route to finding a role within
the community.
Other notable findings of the survey include the view
that it is wrong to reduce security concerns to mere incidents of public
disorder;
further, the relationship between security and the physical and social
environment is critical. In relation to this latter finding,
the survey
identified a link between matters of security, neoliberal policies and
speculative development in Istanbul. It further
found that fear of both
earthquakes and crime has been exaggerated, and using a rationale of urban
regeneration, new laws and policies
on urban infrastructure have changed the
urban fabric of Istanbul. Further, it is claimed that such opportunistic urban
policies
were established as a solution to problems with maintaining security in
the city. In terms of establishing a structure for a city
and templates for
interaction therein, an ideal model would be to ensure that people from
different sections of society have reciprocal
relationships and work together to
minimise conflict. Urban space plays a large role in such an exercise. In the
process of rebuilding
urban space, we have witnessed the consequences of
removing opportunities for interaction between different groups. In Istanbul,
the removal of opportunities for interactions has accelerated the development of
feelings of alienation and exclusion between different
sections of society.
In large metropolitan areas such as Istanbul,
‘risk’ itself becomes a vehicle for investment in changes. Public
perception
of earthquake risk enhanced and the public information about
earthquake hazard had significant impact on house values (Onder et al.
2004:
181).
The very word ‘risk’ carries implications
of loss and those caught up in such an atmosphere become prisoners of their
own
anxieties. In terms of Istanbul and its urban space, the ever-increasing,
self-generating ranges of anxieties include fear of
crime, of crisis, of
earthquakes, of eviction, of unemployment and so on. These anxieties may build
to the point where the alternative,
which is to start afresh, holds attraction.
This whole issue of risk does not just affect the middle classes; it is a
generic problem
across the entirety of society (Yılmaz 2013).
Our interviewees bore testament to the fact that
uncertainty of life in Istanbul has led to an increase in anxiety. The
city’s
middle classes seek to distance and separate themselves spatially
and thus, legitimising the need for security. The politics of risk
in Istanbul
have been used effectively to implement changes based on economic
profiteering.
In Istanbul, there is a clear relationship between the
growing fear of crime and efforts to profit from urban spaces claimed to be
free
of crime. Fear of victimisation, together with urban regeneration and
intervention in areas of dereliction, have all been legitimised.
While the fear
of becoming a victim of crime abounds, no-one can actually define the causes of
this fear. Urban change projects have
eradicated Istanbul’s traditional
mixed-class neighbourhoods. People prefer to move to expensive yet secure gated
communities
rather than live in fear of crime. Justifications such as preserving
cultural heritage, starting afresh, eliminating public order
problems, have all
been employed to create new fields for profiteering (Erkilet 2013).
Conclusion
Neoliberal urban planning policies have led to a decrease in social
relationships, a total lack of working partnerships between sectors
and a
perception that security is purely a matter of policing. A potential solution
may lie in treating security as both a physical
and social issue and raising
awareness among the population of Istanbul of their rights to the city and their
ability to be a part
of the solution to its current security problems.
Based on both qualitative and quantitative evidence, it is clear that
Istanbul is a city suffering from a fear of crime and natural
disasters. The
survey results showed that fear of crime across the city as a whole was greater
than at the neighbourhood level. In
terms of their own neighbourhoods, muggers,
glue sniffers and public disorder were identified as one of the top three
factors causing
the respondents most worry. It is interesting to find that while
it was not regarded as a big security issue at the neighbourhood
level, the
survey results for Istanbul as a whole showed that the most important security
issue was terrorism. Results from both
the survey and the interviews revealed
that concern about crimes and earthquakes played an important role in
people’s choice
of where to live.
A globally observed phenomenon in terms of city design and planning is the
tendency to push industrial areas to the edges of the city
and reserve the
centre for high-level management and financial functions (Sassen 2000). Urban
change processes in Istanbul have also
resulted in new forms of social
exclusion. Manufacturing districts have intentionally been removed from the city
centre and replaced
with luxury housing, offices and shopping malls. These
developments have driven the poor and working classes out of the city centre.
A
‘global city’ does not depend on the country in which it is located;
it is merely window-dressing for global markets.
In Istanbul, the privileged few
have found ways to hold on to their wealth. The underprivileged have to accept
they will never own
property and must live in conditions of increasing
inequality in the urban environment. Istanbul is not shaped by the needs and
desires
of its residents but exists to serve large corporations and wealthy
investors. Urban change in Istanbul must be evaluated to determine
if it was
implemented to address economic needs, and whether injection of foreign
investment in the construction sector is perceived
as a solution to the economic
crisis.
Security in Istanbul is a matter that affects more than just the police:
global neoliberal economic policies, different socio-economic
classes, local and
central leadership and the political administration have all played a part in
ushering in a new social class based
purely on wealth. Hence, it would be wrong
to approach security in Istanbul as merely a matter of policing; instead, the
effects
of the globalisation on security in the city must also be considered.
Istanbul’s thousands of years of history, the city’s
fabric,
economic and social relationships and the sheer diversity that once held the
city together have been sacrificed in the name
of profiteering. The people who
live in the city are becoming strangers to one another, to themselves and to the
city in which they
reside. Life is reduced to production and consumption, with
limited opportunities for social interaction. It used to be said that
every
stranger in the city could be a friend; now a stranger is seen as a risk. Such
changes also have a negative effect on Istanbul’s
security. Rather than
being based on facts, Istanbulites’ views about security in their
neighbourhoods and city are built upon
perceptions. These perceptions in turn
influence urban design and urban regeneration policy. In this context, crime and
security
have become vehicles for facilitating the deterioration of areas of
Istanbul that are seen as ripe for profiteering: residents of
such areas are
moved to new housing projects while the abandoned buildings are quickly
colonised by migrants from within and outside
of Turkey, temporary/seasonal
workers and individual criminals and/or organised crime groups. The result is
areas in which fear of
crime is acute, which then become legitimate targets for
legally sanctioned demolition and redevelopment by the newly wealthy, all
in the
name of urban change.
To reduce anxiety about crime, it should be possible to create sustainable
secure neighbourhoods in certain locations and change their
physical conditions.
However, if the issue of security is reduced to a mere matter of physical
conditions, urban security policies
may also be reduced in their focus. The
social dimension cannot be ignored in planning for urban security. Urban
planning must be
systemic in approach and involve a range of those with power,
from local leaders to officials in charge of planning and approval
(Ünsal
2000).
As
well as meeting housing needs, local leaders must establish appropriate
infrastructure in terms of roads, water, electricity and
so on. They must
develop suitable areas for recreation such as parks and playing fields; they
must ensure that all these areas are
maintained. Only when all of this has been
organised and put in place, can they truly say they are involved in urban
planning. Planning
must result in the establishment of cities in which it is
possible to live now and in the future, where conurbations have achieved
the
integration of natural, cultural, economic and social conditions, and political
and management decisions form part of a comprehensive
approach to urban planning
and design Hence, planning must be a public service that is carried out
continuously and systematically,
in a way that considers issues of equality,
justice and renewability (Toprak 2005).
To make mere residents of the city into true Istanbulites requires urban
equality and democratic urbanisation policies that address
all levels of
society. Urban design, planning and all related projects confirmed for
implementation in Istanbul must additionally
consider the full range of
economic, social, cultural and community dynamics of the city. Such an approach
will be highly dependent
on the wealthy class, who are currently seen to only
support work that sustains or increases their prosperity.
A much broader, more comprehensive approach is necessary when examining
issues related to security and their resolution. Hence, any
work on security in
Istanbul cannot be undertaken using traditional approaches to safety and
security but must consider the context
of urbanisation, urban change and
redevelopment processes.
Urban planning holds the key to the identification and resolution of problems
of equality, justice and renewability and thus, to improving
the quality of
urban life. Urban planning must consider issues of equality and nurture working
partnerships between sectors through
the application of relevant principles of
mutual support, sustainability and public involvement. According to Castells
(1978), all
cities are centres of political activity. To take urban planning as
mere spatial planning and evaluating it purely using a locational
framework, is
entirely the wrong approach. The starting point must be the establishment of a
framework for life in the city that
does not limit individual or community
sociocultural development, nor hinder those involved in its creation. Urban
planning must
be a vehicle for bringing order to the shared public lives of
citizens and for meeting their common needs.
Hence, the current system of local political relationships can no longer be
endured and must be replaced with one that is democratic
and inclusive. Only by
doing so can inclusive planning policies be created to meet basic needs and
implemented in a way that ensures
equality, encourages social progress, engages
the public, leads to the development of economic, cultural and social rights and
results
in sustainable solutions.
Correspondence:
Halil Ibrahim Bahar (PhD), Professor of Sociology, freelance researcher and
analyst, Emirgan Mektebi Sok. No:75/1 Sariyer, Istanbul,
Turkey. Email: hibahar@hotmail.com
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